DIASPORA

2May

‘I am worried about Modi’s foreign policy. What would be his attitude towards Islamabad, towards Beijing?’

Professor Daya Thussu. Photo: Alex Littleboy

Daya Thussu  is Professor of International  Communication and the co-director of India Media Centre at the University of Westminster in London. His recent book Communicating India’s Soft Power: Buddha to Bollywood examines India’s emergence as a global power. Professor Thussu, who holds a PhD in International Relations from the Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, has written widely about globalisation and the media. In this interview recorded by Alex Littleboy in the foyer of the Regent Street campus of the University of Westminster, he discusses Narendra Modi, his policies, and how the Bharatiya Janata Party is marketing Modi to the outside world.

Opinion polls predict that Narendra Modi is likely to win the election. What do you make of that?

Well, there seems to be a consensus across the board that it is going to be a different government. The incumbent government is leaving office; there is no doubt about that. Now, what will replace it is still open to discussion. The general impression one gets from the media and from opinion polls done by the top news networks in India indicates that there will be a National Democratic Alliance-led government, within which BJP will be the largest component. BJP has already nominated Mr Narendra Modi as its prime ministerial candidate. But you never know what next month will bring.

What would you say is the reason for Modi’s potential success?

There are several reasons. Firstly, he has a very strong political place within the RSS, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, which is a cultural organisation with strong Hindu nationalist roots. Modi has very strong links within the RSS. It has members and networks across the country and they are doing a lot of groundwork for him. Secondly, as a politician, he has a particular reputation of being efficient, personally honest and decisive. These are the qualities which most of India is after, particularly following the current prime minister, who I personally see as honest, but who doesn’t have this decisiveness, and has had questions asked about his style of governance. The third thing is that Modi is an exceptional communicator. He is incredibly good at public rallies, he speaks the language of the masses, and he is a great orator in the Hindi language.

You have said Modi is a good communicator – I understand his supporters have been making extensive use of new media. How do you feel that is affecting things?

It is affecting the way the political debate is shaped, the issues in the elections. Many of these are promoted through new media – social media is important, but the most important is television. Some key television news networks, namely CNN-IBN, a very prestigious news network, which is now effectively controlled by a major conglomerate, has a cosy relationship with Mr Modi. So you see a not-so-subtle effort made to promote Modi, for example his hour-long speech at a public rally is streamed live on websites. Social media is also important, especially Facebook and Twitter, because it is the first election in which 100 million new, younger voters can cast their vote. This is a digital generation, a largely urban audience, and BJP has been very good in terms of using social media to promote Modi to this audience. He tweets, he has a Facebook page, and he realises that this is an area that he needs to engage in to attract young voters.

Would you say that this strategy is entirely new or is it just a repackaging of old strategies with new technology?

There are some new campaigning tools introduced this election. One of course is the greater use of social media – five years ago social media wasn’t as big. The other is the so-called “chai pe charcha,” discussion over a cup of tea. Modi comes from a humble background, his father used to sell tea on railway platforms in Gujarat. One Congress leader once made a flippant comment on television, saying that Narendra Modi could never become prime minister, but if he wanted to serve tea to the party’s delegates, that would be OK. So Modi has been using the concept of tea, for example streaming conversations live to tea stores across the country, reaching a wide audience. It’s very clever political marketing, to the extent that the Election Commission clamped down on this, saying it was a violation of electoral law.

Let’s talk a bit about Modi’s vision for India following the election. What sort of image do you feel the BJP is trying to promote?

BJP is trying to promote Modi as someone who would deliver good government. The emphasis is on governance, on raising the population out of poverty, to improve economic activity, the image of India as a superpower. Given his experience in Gujarat, there is little doubt that he has a good reputation as an administrator, though this is confined to a single state. They are trying to project this ‘Gujarat model’ as a model for the rest of the country. There is another argument, which is about India’s Hindu identity. Over 80 per cent of India is Hindu, and BJP is known as a Hindu nationalist party. While the party emphasises government and economic development, there is an underlying debate about its Hindu identity. One indication of this is that Modi is running in Gujarat, but also contesting Varanasi, considered the seat of Hindu civilisation – so this is a cultural and political statement, showing him to be a pan-Indian figure. This is electorally very important, showing him as a national leader, not a regional one.

As Hindu identity is a big part of this campaign, how does this affect voters of minority religions, in particular Muslims?

In a country the size of India, you cannot exclude these minorities, you cannot govern without them. So Modi has been careful to put the focus on growth and development. I believe that, should he be elected, he would also have to take the largest minority in India into account, Muslims. If he were to be elected, he would be part of a coalition government, and within that he would have to take this minority into account. Muslims cannot relate to the idea of Hindu nationalism. Although it is presented as a pan-Indian idea, it appears to them to be exclusive.

What concerns do you have about Modi’s vision?

One thing that worries me is that Modi has a particular version of nationalism that he promotes, a rabid Hinduised version. For example, he makes statements about China that I find alarming. I am worried about his foreign policy – I imagine he would be friends with the US, but what would be his attitude towards Moscow, towards Islamabad, towards Beijing. To me, the big problem is China – India’s biggest trade partner. But I have faith in India – countries aren’t run by politicians. There is never that fundamental a shift in policy.

Modi has hailed the Indian diaspora, and sees it as having a big role in a resurgent India. How do you feel this will affect the election?

The diaspora is huge, 25 million people. There are all kinds of diasporas; for example, the Indian diaspora in the Gulf countries is mostly working class, mostly Muslim – they are not Modi fans. But then you have the diaspora in the US, which is very pro-business, which wants the idea of India as a superpower to be realised. They see Modi as driven, with the reputation of being a ‘doer’. Large sections of this diaspora are supporting Modi’s campaign, by campaigning, media support, and supporting what Modi stands for.

What implications do you feel this use of the diaspora has for relations with the US?

I think it is really important. Increasingly in the US, the Indian diaspora is influential. One of the very important things is that Modi’s party has a very clear pro-business agenda. That pro-market agenda fits very well with the American elite, businesses and corporations. The Indian diaspora is a part of that discourse. In that sense, they are putting Modi forward to the US as someone to do business with.

The diaspora is not able to vote in these elections. What do you make of this?

I can’t vote! It is absurd! They can’t effect the electoral vote directly, but through media involvement and intellectual discourse, they can shape the argument. For example, there is a famous economist at Columbia, Jagdish Bhagwati, who is openly in support of the ‘Modi model’ – that is the kind of support that the diaspora is giving. They are making the environment that Modi is dominating.

Photo: Alex Littleboy

This interview, which has been lightly edited for clarity, has also appeared on Rediff.com, our media partner.

14Apr

Indians in UK want new government that will bring change

NRIs at a Diwali celebration in London. Photo: Dean Ayres

Indian citizens living in the UK have decried the state of affairs in their native land and hope a new government will improve the people’s lot.

Kavita Vachaknavee, freelance writer and examiner at the University of Cambridge, who hails from Yamunanagar, Haryana, and has been living in the UK since 2011, said: “This election will dictate the direction the nation takes. As an Indian living abroad, I am ashamed of the negative influences in my motherland, especially the crime rate, which is increasing rapidly.”

India’s most famous political dynasty is clearly threatened by the growing support for the Bharatiya Janata Party’s Narendra Modi and the Aam Aadmi Party’s Arvind Kejriwal. “What we have at the moment are politicians who care more about their family than the people,” said Vachaknavee. “The BJP appears to me a strong and uncorrupted party dedicated to the nation.”

Minita Patel, head of operations at Global Explorers, grew up in Gujarat but has been living in the UK for 33 years. She said: “For me, the BJP is the only political party ready to take India forward. The Congress has shown itself to be a corrupt, dynastic party held back by tradition and family. It’s time we let a new government change things.”

Not everyone believes the BJP and Modi are incorruptible. Many continue to see Modi as a polarising figure who has a case to answer regarding the mass killings of Muslims in the Gujarat riots of 2002. But he and his party are being seen as the only real alternative.

Pardip Kumar, 46, actor and activist, said: “Modi is basically a nationalist. Though he has been accused of involvement in the massacre of Muslims no one has been found guilty.”

Kumar said the elections would be close. “Modi has a good chance,” he said. “There isn’t an alternative. Nothing is new; it’s the same thing repackaged.”

Modi’s popularity has soared on his perceived performance as chief minister of Gujarat. “We have seen the immense progress Modi has made in Gujarat,” Patel said. “There is now more manufacturing and more international companies than ever. The entire nation is looking at that state. Who is to say he can’t do this for India?”

Others, however, remain unconvinced. “Gujarat has always been prosperous,” said Vishal Jain, a technical consultant from Agra, Uttar Pradesh, residing in the UK for the past five years. Jain’s home state has 80 seats in the Lok Sabha. That is where Modi has to make the most impact if the BJP has to win at least 200 seats in Parliament. “Many forget that the people of Gujarat have always been talented, educated, and hardworking. Development there has had more to do with these people, not Modi,” he said.

The ruling Congress, meanwhile, has been tripped up by corruption, the treatment of women, and promises that the party failed to keep. “Congress has not done a lot of what it promised to do,” said Kumar. “It concentrates on big players on the international stage and forgets issues at home. Not only is the economy suffering, corruption is endemic.”

But people like Jain believe the BJP is as much to blame. “For too long now both the BJP and the Congress have been making promises, yet only 20% in India are literate and so many are still struggling for a livelihood,” he said.

“For decades Congress politicians kept billions for themselves and did the absolute bare minimum to help the poor. The BJP never spoke up against this corruption strongly when given the chance. If they had, the Congress would never have got away with all the money it has stolen,” he said.

Rima Amin, a freelance journalist whose family hails from Gujarat, said:  “India’s development is impressive but I will be more impressed when India’s people can have strong infrastructure supporting their basic needs. The truth is, poor, densely populated, disease-ridden areas still exist and India’s leaders, be they from the Congress, BJP or anyone else, need to help them.”

Jain said the country needs a leader who is focused on democracy and delivering equality for the people, by the people. “For me, Arvind Kejriwal is the only leader who will do this.  AAP will provide a transparent system that will spend money on the development of India, not [on creating] politicians’ wealth,” he said.

For many, improving the state of women’s rights in India is pivotal to this year’s election. Vachaknavee said: “As soon as I set foot in my home country I feel insecure. As a woman, I find it much more comfortable and safe here in Europe.”

Amin hoped the international outrage following the Delhi rape case of December 2012 had compelled India’s politicians to look deeper into the rights of women. “Human rights are fundamental and must come before all else,” she said. “India needs to ensure processes are in place to make this happen.”

Radhika Dave, a student at Bradford University who also hails from Gujarat, said: “I was shocked to hear India ranked as the fourth most dangerous place in the world for women. People have awareness of women’s rights now and with recent incidents that have shaken the public, none of the parties can ignore this issue.”

However, with the 25 million Indians living abroad unable to vote in the general election, only those resident in India will have the final say. What will they decide?

Photo: Dean Ayres via Compfight cc. NRIs at a Diwali celebration in London

10Apr

Where 30% of AAP’s campaign money came from, how it was raised

It came mainly from the US. The second in line with contributions was the UAE. Then Hong Kong, UK, Singapore, Canada and Australia, in that order. The grand total of overseas contributions to the Aam Aadmi Party?

Last we checked, it stood at Rs 73,952,024 (£732,125), which accounts for 30% of its campaign kitty. Here’s an interactive breakup.

 

The remaining 70% of AAP donations came from India itself, where over Rs 172,400,687 (£1.7 million) was donated by some 76,073 individuals. (Note to reader: this data may change; check AAP’s donation list for the latest).

The average Indian donation is around Rs 2,266 — or £22.43.

As for the overseas contributions, this was largely through micro-donations from Non-Resident Indians. Around 10,860 international donors contributed an average of Rs 7,386 (around £73) each, to raise Rs 73,952,024 (£732,125).

Raj Redij-Gill, who heads the AAP support network’s global fundraising initiative from Staines-upon Thames in the UK, said social media and digital marketing technologies played a “critical” role in raising money. He said AAP activists had to think differently when the campaign started.

“There was no way we could do a traditional system of gathering money from donations on the ground because we didn’t have the volunteer force,” said Redij-Gill. “So we worked a lot on the global fundraising and this is an area where the NRI team came into play quite a bit.”

Redij-Gill, a digital marketing professional who came to Britain from Mumbai in 1996, quit work to lead the party’s fundraising effort. He said he had to move away from the traditional system of “having a few big sugar daddies who give you a few million and then you are beholden to them”.

“We had a couple of the core team members embedded directly in the technology team,” he said. “So quite a few people outside of India had the experience of working with social media and digital marketing.”

Using NRIs also allowed 24-hour support for the AAP project. “As we were working across time zones it helped quite a bit that we could spread out our volunteer force across the world,” he said.

AAP’s California-based global media coordinator Pran Kurup said the difference between the AAP’s approach to fundraising and that of other parties was “night and day”.

“It’s like comparing mobile phones and mainframes,” said Kurup, an entrepreneur originally from Madras. “One of the reasons we use different techniques is because of the support base we have. Younger people are doing this – many people who have been exposed to the Obama campaign, for instance.

“This idea of online donations has been done previously, even when the India Against Corruption movement was there, even before AAP was born. The process was already started so it was easy to continue.”

Kurup said that NRI supporters of AAP had experimented with different ways of raising funds from the diaspora. “We were able to come out with email campaigns where you write targeted emails like they did in the Obama campaign,” he said.

“We tried blanket emails where you don’t specifically ask for money, and where you ask for specific amounts and see what returns you get. Slowly you can build intelligence into the back end of the system whereby you can analyse the response rate, you know what works, what doesn’t work, and over time you continue to improve it.”

This story was also published on Rediff.com, our media partner.

9Apr

Indian students in England look for change, lean towards Modi

Many young Indian students are yearning for a change of government in New Delhi

Many young Indians studying in the United Kingdom say the present Congress-led government has failed India, and see Narendra Modi of the Bharatiya Janata Party as a viable alternative.

Modi, the chief minister of Gujarat since October 2001, is widely tipped to be India’s next prime minister. An opinion poll predicts the BJP would win half the seats on offer in Uttar Pradesh, which sends the largest number of lawmakers to the Indian Parliament.

“He [Modi] is the sort of leader my country needs,” says Riddhi Kachhela, 26, a  television production student at Bournemouth University. “He is dynamic, can take decisions, can speak up, stands up for his people, and can get work done.”

Harshal Choudhary, a student of hospitality and tourism management, agrees. “I have been to Gujarat many times and seen the progress… how he has improved infrastructure,” says Choudhary. “People say he is corrupt, but even if he is, he has done some good things for the people.”

Modi’s growing popularity presents a massive challenge for Rahul Gandhi’s Congress-led coalition. “Gandhi keeps talking of empowering women,” says Choudhary, “but it’s not the solution to all the problems facing India.”

The perception clearly is that the present government has had a long time to bring about change and has failed to deliver. Raj Sekher, 22, a computer networks student at the University of Bedfordshire, says: “People are thinking the Congress has only given them corruption and scams, which is why there is a rise in support for the BJP, but there is rising support for other parties as well.”

Kachhela says,”We don’t want the present government to win because my country has suffered so much.”

But not everyone is positive about Modi. Many have not forgotten the 2002 Gujarat riots, for which Modi is generally blamed. Vikram Singh, 21, an MBA student at the University of Bedfordshire, says: “He should apologise to Muslims for his incompetence at stopping the 2002 riots if he wants to lead the country. India is a secular, democratic country and I think Modi is a polarising figure and this mindset is a threat to our democracy and secularism.”

Shahid Mushtaq, 23, of the University of Chester, says, “He cannot lead the country because he is a communal leader. He was chief minister of Gujarat when thousands of Muslims were killed in riots. There is ample evidence that he gave free rein to extremist Hindus to kill Muslims.”

The clean chit given to Modi by the special investigation team set up to probe the 2002 riots has been challenged in court.

So what is the alternative for those who think the Congress is corrupt and the BJP is communal? Ahtisham Aziz, 20, an aerospace engineering student at the University of West of England, says: “I think AAP [Aam Aadmi Party] is an alternative because they are exposing corrupt politicians and can run the government with transparency. If I get the chance to vote from here I will definitely vote for AAP.”

But others remain sceptical of AAP. “They are not experienced,” says Singh. “They could not rule Delhi, how can they rule all of India?” But he, too, believes they can be an alternative because parties like the BJP and Congress are “corrupt and more concerned about money”.

Siddhesh Angchekar, a product design student at Bournemouth University, says: “Congress has been struck with lots of corruption charges, lots of  scams, people are voting for change. There are now alternatives like AAP and BJP. People are essentially voting for hope and there is a lot of hope from AAP.”

AAP recently expelled two of its members for alleged corruption, an act that has impressed many Indians.

But there are others like Ruchi Pandit, 21, who is studying for a master’s degree in advertising and marketing at Bournemouth, who have lost hope in the system. Says Pandit, “For many years people have been voting, trying to make a change. There is no change. Everything is based on influence and bribes. Our politicians say much and do little.”

While they differ on their politics, there’s one thing that all students agree on: that a system has to be devised to allow Indians to vote from abroad. Currently, Non-Resident Indians can vote, but they need to be physically present in their constituency to do so.

Even Pandit, who doesn’t much care which party wins, thinks Indians abroad should be allowed to have a say in the politics of their country.

Photo: Annabel Nguyen

21Mar

‘India can send a rocket to Mars, and it cannot provide an absentee ballot?’

Nagender

Nagender Chindam is, by his description, a “normal guy”. An average Non-Resident Indian living an unexceptional life in the town of Milton Keynes, 72 km northwest of London.

In January 2014, though, the Chindam did something exceptional: he went on a three-day hunger strike in central London, protesting the Indian government’s failure to introduce absentee voting for NRIs.

Absentee voting  is something the 32-year-old IT consultant has been fighting for in the last two years. In 2012, he had co-founded the NGO Pravasi Bharat to campaign for postal and online voting rights for Indian citizens living abroad. The hunger strike was a step-up from his earlier activism on this front. For Chindam, who says he cannot “go more than a few hours without rice”, it was quite a challenge.

Originally from Hyderabad, Chindam has worked in the UK as an IT consultant since 2009. He says his campaign is inspired by the peaceful protests of Mahatma Gandhi. At the time of this interview,  Chindam was in Hyderabad to press his legal challenge against the Indian government. He might be running out of time, but Chindam hopes he will be able to cast his vote for the Lok Sabha elections from UK when voting opens. Excerpts from an interview recorded on Skype:

You made headlines in January with your protest in Tavistock Square in London. Why does the issue of absentee voting matter so much to you?

In any democracy voting is important. The future of the country depends on whom we elect, their policies. In January we took a bigger step. That was our last option. We’ve been struggling for two years. We started with writing petitions, collecting some signatures, creating online petitions, and then we demonstrated in London in front of the [Indian] High Commission. Since we haven’t got any response, after a couple of months we marched in London from Tavistock Square to Indian High Commission building. We marched in huge numbers.

We were concerned about India even though we are living abroad. After the march we thought we’d receive a reply. Unfortunately we didn’t get any reply from officials  in India. Then we approached the Supreme Court of India in February 2013.  We have full faith in justice system, but things are a bit slow because of the number of cases the honourable court deals with here. It might take another one year or so [for the case to be heard].

Why we thought it was important at this juncture is that we have general elections. So we thought we have to raise our voice stronger. We’ve been following all peaceful methods available in a democracy, and we have been following in the footsteps of Mahatma. We are very small compared to Mahatma Gandhi but we have been trying to follow his methodology. So first we did demonstrations, then we did march, then we approached justice, and the final step was to go for a fast.

So it’s basically some kind of bigger step. Three days staying hungry for a person like me who cannot live without rice for a couple of hours. So it was a kind of daring decision. But fortunately three days with the support of our members and all our supporters around the world and their messages, I was able to fast for three days, I was on water. And that sent some kind of strong signals on how much concerned we were about our nation even though we live abroad.

Were you surprised at the level of support you got for your action?

I was really surprised because when we started we were just a couple of guys and it started growing, growing and growing. And in January when I fasted I received messages from around the world. People staying in Dubai, Middle East, people staying in America, Canada, they sent messages to Pravasi Bharat. And there are certain encouraging messages like one person who was staying in Netherlands. He’s an Indian. He is about 75 years old, and in 1970s itself he raised his voice. He discussed with the government and he sent proposals, but it hasn’t gone far. He started appreciating us. So those kinds of words encouraged us a lot. Honestly, I am totally surprised because I am just a normal guy like anyone, just doing day-to-day work, living on my salary.

Every democracy in the world, including developing nations like Pakistan, Indonesia, and the developed nationals like Canada, America, UK, Germany, all these democratic nations have provided an absentee ballot for citizens abroad. They accepted this fact, this is a globalised world, people are moving across the world because of profession or studies or further scientific advancements. Everything is not available under one country, so people are moving across. So these major countries including Pakistan have realised absentee ballot is something genuine.

Being the largest democratic nation, we talk about democracy in our day-to-day life and we the citizens of India are staying abroad for a reason and we would like to come back. It’s not that everyone who goes abroad will stay there forever. We are not talking about the people who are settling there or who are taking the British passport. We are only talking about the people who hold Indian citizenship.

India being such a scientifically advanced country it can send a rocket to Mars, and it cannot provide an absentee ballot or just a simple software? It’s possible, but somewhere something is lacking.

What are you doing in India at the moment?

I was here for our second hearing in Supreme Court, because in the first hearing the honourable court has issued notices, in second hearing court has asked explanation from the Election Commissioner. I thought on second hearing we would get some concrete explanation. If they don’t want to do, I thought we’d get the reasons why they can’t do. Or if they want to do, how and when they’ll implement. With that great hope I came here. The thing is the Election Commission has asked for four further weeks of time to file a proper response. So it’s been about four, five weeks. So we’ll be getting another hearing soon so we are hoping for the best.

Are you hopeful about the campaign?

I am a very positive person. There are elections soon. If we miss [this now], we have to wait five more years. I have hopes of Supreme Court. The district-wide elections [in Andhra Pradesh], there was a case pending in Supreme Court for long. The Supreme Court just last week asked the Election Commission to conduct these elections before the general elections. And Election Commission came back and said it would be very tough because they are preparing for the general election. It would be very tough, it involves lots of effort. But the court said no, no, no, we are capable, these are Supreme Court orders, you have to do it by this date. So within next two weeks they are conducting elections in the state of Andhra Pradesh.

Do you see any opposition inside India to absentee voting – people who think that if you don’t live in India you should not have the right to vote?

I have experienced this when I’m talking about voting rights. Some people say “you guys already left the country”. Most of the people are under the impression that “you guys are not anymore bothered about the nation, that’s the reason why you guys left”.

But it’s not that we have left the country because we have chosen to live somewhere else. Yes, we respect the country where we are living, we learn from the country where we are living, we learn the lifestyle, we respect the culture. At the same time we have gone there for a purpose. For example myself, I have gone there for professional advancement. And there are people who go there for getting master’s degree. Some people who go just for scientific advancement.

There are big names like Laxmi Mittal, who still holds a passport and he is one of the richest guys in Europe. Amartya Sen, he is a Nobel laureate. He still holds an Indian passport. He came back here, he contribute a lot.  So I explained, but sometimes, yeah, I feel some kind of opposition as well.

Are you planning more events for your cause in London?

We have done most of the peaceful things we can do. Only thing we’ve left now is indefinite fast. That will not be our option at the moment. I am hoping positive hopes that government will implements this soon. So we’ve no need to do more fasts or more demonstrations. I hope the government has received our message. The only thing now is they need to act. I don’t think there is other pressurising required. Our case is in court. We will wait for a couple of hearings and we are hoping for the best outcome from the Supreme Court.

You can imagine it’s not a simple thing. [NRIs have] 10 million votes, 15,000 votes per MP constituency. There are certain constituencies who will win by about 5,000 or 6,000 votes. So if we win this case, these 15,000 votes will play crucial roles in at least 50 of MP constituencies, which can change the dynamics of the entire political system. So it’s a big project and it’s not a small thing if we achieve. I hope so. I’m praying to God we’ll get there.

This interview has been condensed and lightly edited for clarity. A version of this appeared on rediff.com

© Copyright 2013, All Rights Reserved