Tag: India Elections

7May

As elections near an end, a look at India’s other half

The horrific New Delhi gang rape of 2012 pushed women’s rights on to the electoral agenda in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections more than ever before. As India gradually begins to wind up its mammoth election exercise, here’s a historic look at the female vote, which is expected to play a significant role in determining the make-up of the new government.

According to the Election Commission of India, the gap between male and female voter turnout has been gradually decreasing since 1962. Female participation in state elections has risen since 2009. The gap could well be set to narrow even further this time around.

Although the official breakdown of voter numbers is yet to be released, the EC disclosed that in Chandigarh, Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Sikkim and Lakshadweep there were more votes cast by women than by men.

Of the 20 states that have held elections since the last Lok Sabha polls, 16 recorded a higher voting percentage among women than men.

The EC is also hoping that a programme, which includes the deployment of election officials to voters’ homes to encourage women to vote, will help narrow the gap further, after a national survey found that women were often reluctant to visit a polling station unless accompanied by a man.

These official measures have been accompanied by social media campaigns, such as ‘Power of 49’, that have been active in encouraging women to vote.

The ‘Power of 49’ manifesto cites the underrepresentation of women in Parliament as one of the key concerns of their campaign.

Gender Balance in the Lok Sabha

Lok_Sabha_Gender

After the 2009 election, female members of the lower house rose above 10% for the first time.

In that election, women were actually more electorally successful than men. Women made up 7% of candidates fielded, with 11% of those candidates taking a seat in the Lok Sabha. This compares to a 6% success rate for male candidates.

In every general election since 1980 female hopefuls have recorded a higher success rate than their male counterparts.

Of the 7,562 candidates who submitted themselves to the electorate so far, just 592 (8%) are women. This 1% increase on last year’s figure suggests that change in this area will be gradual rather than sudden.

Even with the tendency for women candidates to be more successful than their male opponents, anything other than a modest rise in female representation looks unlikely.

Whatever the new Parliament looks like, India’s attitude towards women’s rights and violence against women is set to remain a contentious issue.

The conservative BJP, which is poised to do well in the current poll, point to increase in girls’ education and decreases in female infanticide in BJP-governed Madhya Pradesh as evidence of its commitment to women’s rights.

This commitment, however, has been called into question by critics of the BJP who accuse its leader, Narendra Modi, of paying lip service to the issue of women’s rights. Journalist Ankit Panda, who covers Indian politics for the Diplomat magazine, stated, “It seems to me that a majority of BJP members espouse views that are hostile to the liberal notion of gender equality.”

An open letter in The Guardian newspaper signed by Salman Rushdie, among others, has also drawn attention to the BJP’s record in this regard. Urging electors to “remember the role played by the Modi government in the horrifying events that took place in Gujarat in 2002,” the letter states “Women, in particular, were subjected to brutal acts of violence and were left largely unprotected by the security forces.”

2May

The journo who jumped to cover India

parachute
It started when I got off the plane and was taken aside by the airport security. Why did I have a tripod but no camera? (It was for an iPhone, because that’s how we roll these days). Why did I have a book about journalism? Where was my gold? And diamonds? And gold diamond encrusted watch? (Actual questions, slightly paraphrased). But my journalistic parachute was yet to be snagged on the tree of unfamiliar bureaucracy and I was let through, phone accessories and all, albeit a little later than anticipated.

Everything was new to me — the climate, the process of hiring a taxi, the language. But I had to get my feet on the ground quickly if I was going to file stories the next day.

This was my experience after landing in the unfamiliar territory of Mumbai to cover the elections as a parachute journalist. Who better to cover The Biggest Election in History than someone who has never seen the place before? As part of Project India, an initiative involving journalists across India and the UK, I am here to give a certain perspective on the month-long general election that is currently underway.

As a first timer, I wasn’t entirely sure what to expect from Mumbai — a city I imagine the un-imaginative but largely correct travel writer would describe as “throbbing”. Sure enough, the damp, smoky night air, the organised chaos of the traffic, and the swarms of people at every turn were a sharp change from the passive-aggression that prevails on the British road networks, and the sleepy evening pavements of Bournemouth featuring only the occasional pub-goer desperately trying to remember their home address.

Parachute journalism is the practise of a journalist with little to no experience of a region being dropped right in there — trying to bring “foreign” stories to a “national” audience. They lack the understanding of the long-term foreign correspondent, and generally don’t stay long enough to develop it fully.

Why parachute? There are heaps of talented (and English speaking) journalists based in India who could tell my stories with far greater depth and understanding than I can. Do we need another European coming from the former colonial power to explaining things?

The trouble with parachute journalism is that’s just what happens an awful lot of the time. Think about the coverage of looting mobs after the 2010 Haiti earthquake, or the forever violent Africans (specific country unnecessary to mention) or the homogenous mass of religious zealots in the Middle East. I can almost hear myself report: “One thing’s for certain, no one can see a way out of this bloodshed and if they could, would they want it? Patrick Ward for Sky News in the Global South.”

There’s also the danger of parachutists developing a pack mentality whereby stories become regurgitated across media. Stories shared by reporters from different agencies and networks over a beer or two in the local journo hangout need to be followed up by all of them, partly because of the ever-present fear that their editor’s number will show up on their mobile phone and they will be yelled at for missing the story.

In Haiti, for example, where starving people were scavenging for food, news reached head offices in London, New York and elsewhere that violent Haitians were coming to blows as their somehow innate savagery came out. If other networks were saying it, it must be real, went the feeling — so journalists had to go out and find that story lest they were left behind. In truth, there was very little violence. And many of the sources used were not ordinary earthquake victims, but US Army spokespeople – leading to all sorts of nonsense about Haitians begging the West to intervene to keep the peace.

Parachute journalists are increasingly relied upon these days because the number of long-stay foreign journalists have declined. This is largely due to cost-cutting and a cynical view spun out by advertising executives and TV network managers that people aren’t interested in foreign news reporting any more. I would tend to argue that it has more to do with the quality of foreign reporting, and its abstract format of stories of flood, famine and flash grenades which appear and vanish from TV screens and news publications without temporal, geographical or political context.

Ted Koppel, a former anchor on the US network ABC, put it well in 2006 when he said, “The approach now is, ‘Well, don’t worry about it. When something happens, we can take a jet and we can access satellites and we’ll have it for you in 24 hours.’ …Have what? You’ll have the after-effects. You’ll have the result of what you should have been telling America about for the last six months. You’ll have the crisis after it breaks.”

But. There can be a merit to parachuting. When my plane landed, seemingly scraping the roofs of one of the largest slums in the world, I perhaps noticed something that would be missed by my fellow nationals at home and maybe taken for granted by the excellent commentators here in Mumbai. It’s the feeling of flying into a country that boasts of its blossoming (if stalling) economy and seeing people without clean water, decent sanitation or functioning electricity. The Indian economic miracle that we read about in the FT or see on BBC News has another side.

It’s more than this too. This isn’t the story of helpless Indians who can’t manage their own affairs. Nearly everyone I’ve spoken to here has an opinion on the election — and an informed opinion at that. Turnout could be as high as 70%. Even speaking to street beggars, they know what they want from the government. Most people want change in India, but everyone has their own view on how that change can come about.

Some people are voting for the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party’s Narendra Modi because he boosted the economy in Gujarat and would provide a break from years of Congress corruption. Others have a different take, and say Modi’s policies would punish the poor and be a huge blow against secularism. They might want to stick with Congress who, in states such as Maharashtra, have increased economic growth far more than Gujarat, although many would say they haven’t seen the fruits of this. Others disagree still, and want to give the new kids on the block a chance in the anti-corruption Aam Admi (Common Man) Party… but they quit government in Delhi after just 49 days, so can they be trusted?

There are around 1,000 regional parties too, and complex deals struck between them lead to fluctuating coalitions. In Maharashtra, for example, the BJP is working with Shiv Sena, a far-right Hindu nationalist group that wants preferential treatment for Marathis over North Indians, Muslims and others. Election posters around Mumbai for the group essentially proclaim, “Vote Shiv Sena, get Modi”. (Imagine the Lib Dems doing that for David Cameron in the UK.)

Sometimes parachuting in gives you a comparative take on events that you can relate to people in the country from which you came. But it has to be in that context. Read the Indian media. Watch Indian TV news. Follow reports by Western journalists who do obsessively follow the Indian political scene.

I didn’t grow up in a slum and I don’t breathe in the ever-present smoke that marks both industrialisation and lung disease, but I can notice it’s different to what I’m used to. Similarly, I have never felt the fear that a new government might herald the return of inter-ethnic rioting, but through talking to ordinary people I can relay the fears that people have about these things to an audience back home who might never have realised it.

The most important thing a parachutist can do is tell the story of ordinary people in their own words. Rather than rely on coverage by competing Western news sources coupled with government statements and party press releases, the task is to speak to the men and women in the street who want the world to know their concerns, opinions and daily reality.

Parachutists should augment the amazing reportage readily available from people in those countries, not give a 360-degree view of how their society operates that they can then pass off as the only information you will ever need to know. Better still, they should relate it in a way that connects to power “back home” — where is Western investment going? What role do World Bank loans play in this? Whose hand has David Cameron been shaking?

Journalism is facing huge difficulties, thanks to cost-cutting and huge pressures from government to report The Right Line. Parachutists are filling in the gaps vacated by foreign bureaux, and in today’s 24/7 news environment, the quantity of reports demanded of them are ever increasing, and the time to the next big story, wherever else in the world that might be, is decreasing. But we should recognise what we are doing and understand how it influences public understanding. And, most importantly, we should understand our limits.

Illustration: Uttam Ghosh/Rediff.com

This story was also published on Rediff.com, our media partner.

1May

‘We need a responsible government, a responsible opposition, a responsible media’

Dr S Varalakshmi, professor, Mumbai

Dr S Varalakshmi. Photo: Jehan Lalkaka

Nobody can escape the relevance of political science today. It’s not just about elections. Political science touches our lives in so many innocuous ways.

I’m Dr S Varalakshmi, and I have enjoyed every bit of life’s journey. With the turn of the century, after my stints as a freelance journalist and then a senior manager for corporate communications with Tata, I dabbled with teaching as a visiting faculty and liked it very much. I quit working with Tata and have since been a full time teacher as the head of the Mass Media Department at Jai Hind College, Mumbai.

I did my PhD in the literary and political writings of Nayantara Sahgal. For me, politics is a fascinating journey. It’s so interesting to see how laws are being upheld, subdued, abused and even amended to keep up with changing socio-cultural times.

I have voted in every election that has taken place since I turned 18. Moreover, I remember every candidate I have voted for. Elections for me represent empowerment. When a citizen decides himself who he thinks is the right person for a post — that’s an empowering moment.

As citizens, we express our angst against the ineptitude of our leaders and want positive change to happen. An arm-chair critic cannot bring about change unless she or he participates in the electoral process. Thus, it is the duty of every citizen to exercise her or his franchise.

Think about this: Concerns over the security of women in the country led to mass candle-light marches. Corruption within the government sparked off a wave of anger that resulted in mass movements across the country. However, on election day, do the same people who spill out on the streets to voice their opinion cast their vote?

Very often, this public outrage doesn’t translate into people exercising their right to vote.

The Election Commission has taken the right steps to promote a higher voter turnout by declaring a public holiday on the day of voting but this year, interestingly, they have come out with a number of ads encouraging people to vote.

However, public responsibility is paramount. Do people perceive this holiday as an opportunity to socialise with friends? Or as an opportunity to celebrate social responsibility?

As a professor teaching political science, I believe that political awareness amongst my students has decreased. Students 8-10 years ago had the pulse of what was happening. Note that this is my perception and does not apply to the entire country.

I constantly strive to make my students be aware of and be interested in political science. What needs to be done is to relate daily socio-political events to the theory. Only then can they connect with current-day political processes. In addition, local communities must reach out to their community members and encourage them to cast their vote. Older people who have a history of good voting patterns must explain the importance of election day to the youth.

All of the above will build a sense of awareness, and in turn, make students part of a positive change.

As a professor teaching media studies, it is interesting to see the role the media has played. Ideally, the media is supposed to provide all parties with an equal bandwidth to express themselves. They must provide an informed perspective with regard to any political ideology.

While it isn’t wrong for a media house to have an allegiance, I would look forward to them being overt about it, as seen in the USA. The reason for this is – in the Indian context – that media houses position themselves as unbiased, but covertly align themselves to a political party. This is dangerous as it misleads public opinion.

In the past few weeks, candidates have used the media as a platform to say anything and everything that comes to their minds. It has been more theatrics than anything else. This time around, the elections are personality driven, i.e., a face has been put to every party, like in the presidential form of elections. This has, as a matter of fact, increased TV viewership!

Social media played a big role during these elections, and its importance will only increase during the next elections. This is a platform that must be targeted more effectively in the years to follow.

I would like to tell our political class a few things. First, to see themselves as individuals who are serving the nation, not leaders as the word ‘neta’ suggests. And second, even after 67 years of independence, tickets are still given based on caste and religion. Don’t do that.

At the end of the day, whatever the outcome of these elections, a responsible government is what is needed. More important, a responsible opposition that won’t let the executive run away with policy making. They must play their vital role in the functioning of a democracy. But most important, we need a vigilant and responsible media that will hold the government accountable at every step of the way.

As told to Jehan Lalkaka. This interview has been lightly edited for clarity. 

23Apr

Tamil Nadu candidates come top… in a very different kind of poll

Tamil Nadu, the only state that has all its constituencies going to poll in Phase 6 of the Lok Sabha elections on April 24, has the dubious honour of having the top two candidates in terms of involvement in criminal cases.

Udayakumar S P of the Aam Aadmi Party declared in his sworn affidavit that he has been involved in 382 criminal cases. He has faced 19 charges of attempted murder and 16 charges “related to waging, or attempting to wage war, or abetting waging of war, against the Government of India”.

M Pushparayan, also of the AAP, comes a close second, declaring that he has been involved in 280 criminal case. On 19 occasions he has been charged with attempted murder. In addition, he has 13 charges “related to promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc”.


As well as finishing top of the criminal cases list, Udayakumar is part of the 2% of Tamil Nadu candidates who hold a doctorate, while Pushparayan has no formal qualifications.

Both candidates are prominent anti-nuclear campaigners. Many of their criminal cases relate to ‘disobedience’ and ‘being members of an unlawful assembly’.

The only other candidate to come close is West Bengal’s Sridip Bhattacharya, who has been involved in 58 criminal case.

There are 147 candidates who have been involved in five or more criminal cases. They come from a range of backgrounds. Here is how that number breaks down.



Data compiled by the Association for Democratic Reforms and National Election Watch, based on sworn affidavits from candidates.

This story was also published on Rediff.com, our media partner

23Apr

The big match before the final showdown in Mumbai

rahul-modi

The big match took place over two hot, dusty evenings in Mumbai’s MMRDA ground in suburban Bandra Kurla Complex. It was originally billed as being Sonia Gandhi, representing the incumbent Congress, versus Narendra Modi, the resurgent upstart whose bombastic speeches are taking the country — or at least part of it — by storm. A few substitutions later, it was eventually Sonia’s son Rahul Gandhi who wore the Congress colours, while Modi formed a tag team with ally and Shiv Seva president Uddhav Thackeray.

Tens of thousands of people attended both events — and it was difficult to discern which side won on numbers. Either way, it would have been a good night for taxi and auto-rickshaw drivers, as crowds swarmed in from around the state to support their man.

The Mumbai police said it was actually Rahul Gandhi who gained the edge, bringing what they say were around 50,000 supporters, while the BJP and allies had “just” 40,000 for the BJP and allies.

The crowds at the Congress rally seemed younger and more energetic as they stood on the road waiting to enter the rally. People wore the party colours as they swarmed towards the security gates at the entrance to the main event.

Their concerns were widely shared: Modi was a “fascist” without an economic plan, and relied on big business donations to spread his propaganda. But could the Congress win? “Let us hope so, because Modi’s propaganda machine is strong,” said Deepak, an older Congress supporter from Mumbai.

congress-crowd

Sonia Gandhi had pulled out of the first rally at the last minute, citing ill health. But this didn’t seem to dampen spirits too much. People liked Rahul’s more combative speech, as he took on Modi’s “divisive” politics and boasted of how many Maharashtra residents the UPA had pulled out of poverty.

As his speech drew to a close, dozens of his supporters crammed their way into the hitherto tightly controlled press area, pushing themselves to the fence to shake his hand.

Modi’s rally the following day did seem busier, but the crowds outside were more organised as they shuffled their way through the metal detectors into the audience area.

There was less chanting, and fewer people had made the effort to decorate themselves with their party colours than the previous day. But it seemed to be more politically plural — among the BJP members were significant numbers wearing Shiv Sena badges and Republican Party of India-Athavale sashes. Orange and white cut-out masks of Modi were worn by many, of various political backgrounds.

Businessman Deepak Desai said Modi was a man with a “vision”, who stuck to his plans “right or wrong”. “Modi put Gujarat on the world map,” he said. “Things happened in the past with the riots. But to go ahead you have to keep going forward.” He added that there were many Muslims in the BJP as well.

There was at least one Muslim at the rally. But ‘Sameer’ (name changed), a young man from Mumbai, said he was a Congress supporter.

“Modi had bad words for Muslims,” he said in a hushed voice. “I have come here to see him and to tell Muslims what he plans to do.”

A few teenagers were happy to speak about Modi. Why did they support him? “We just go with the flow,” said one of them, before an older man, who seemed to be the head of their delegation, pushed in front of him to explain Modi’s appeal — Gujarat, strength, a bright future.

Modi’s speech seemed to get a better reaction from the crowd than his rival’s. There were bouts of applause and standing ovations, and chanting intermittently erupted across the area.

modi-supporters

His speech was far longer, too, lasting nearly an hour compared to Rahul’s 35 minutes. He wanted India to match South Korea’s standing in the world, he said, and accused his opponent of “poverty tourism”.

Several hundred of those gathering were eager to leave by this point, and started to make their way back out of the enclosure. Others weren’t so happy about that, and cajoled them, with some even blocking their paths.

As for who won, the crowds seemed relatively evenly matched, and while Rahul was in good form he didn’t seem to be able to compete with the bruising words of Modi. Also, while the Modi crowd may have had a more conservative feel about them, their enthusiasm was more widespread.

As the masses made their ways home — on what could be considered, if nothing else, several good nights for taxi drivers — clouds of dust rose from the arena and spread into the Bandra streets. It will settle soon, in a few hours, when Mumbai goes to the polls.

Images: Patrick Ward (the main image is a Photoshop manipulation of campaign photographs)

This story also appeared on Rediff.com, our media partner

23Apr

Crime, wealth, education and gender: our guide to Phase 6

On April 24, more than 2,000 candidates will fight for 117 seats on what is set to be the second busiest day of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Seats are up for grabs across Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jammu & Kashmir, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. Here’s an interactive map (click on states for constituency details):

Here is how the candidates measure up, state by state, in terms of gender, education, criminality and wealth.



Data compiled by the Association for Democratic Reforms and National Election Watch, based on sworn affidavits from candidates.

This story also appeared in Rediff.com, our media partner

11Apr

2% illiterates, 2% Phds… 6 interesting facts about tomorrow’s candidates

10Apr

‘Strings’ of vote: artisans in a New Delhi colony feel like puppets

The artisans of a New Delhi colony feels like puppets on strings. Will their vote make a difference? Photo: Nithil Dennis

“Politicians promise much before an election. After they win, we are forgotten,” remarks Rohit Bhat, a young puppeteer and dhol (drum) player from Delhi’s Kathputli Colony. Bhat is upset that residents of the five-decade-old colony near Shadipur metro station are being shifted to a ‘transit’ camp.

The shifting is a consequence of the ‘modernisation’ of the capital. The plan was put into action in 2007 when the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) planned the city’s first on-site slum rehabilitation project and chose Kathputli Colony in West Delhi owing to its proximity to the city’s heart, Connaught Place, which is just a ten-minute drive away.

The slum has 685 recognised jhuggi jhopris (slum tenements). The settlement’s ‘real estate’, which is under the DDA’s ambit, was sold to Raheja Developers for Rs 61.1 million (approximately £607,535). The residents had to be moved to another camp so that construction could begin. The rehabilitation process was divided into three stages: first, residents who qualified for rehabilitation would move to a transit camp; second, the developer would raze the cluster and start building high-rise apartments; third, after three to five years, the residents would move back to their new homes next to Delhi’s ‘first true’ skyscraper — Raheja Phoenix (a 190 metre-tall, 54 storey tower housing luxury flats and equipped with a ‘skysclub’ and helipad).

“We believe them [politicians] each time, but who knows what they will do?” continues Bhat. “Unse hume koi umeed nahi hai [we have no hopes of them].”

Kathputli Colony traces its roots back to the early 1970s when puppeteers and musicians from Rajasthan settled in the Shadipur area of the national capital. With time, artisans, magicians and musicians from states like Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra joined in, collectively forming a settlement of artistes. The colony got its name from string puppet theatre (kathputli in Hindi), a folk art form practised by a number of its residents.

The performers have found mention in Time magazine (2008) which wrote that ‘you can find magic in the Kathputli slum, if you know where to look’. A few of the residents have also been felicitated by government heads.

Well-wishers have set up a Facebook page titled ‘Friends of Kathputli Colony Delhi‘ to marshal support for the residents. “The problem is that privatisation, in the name of modernisation, is invading everything,” says one comment from an unnamed person on this page. “These artists are the ambassadors of India. They propagate a magical image of the country all over the world with their art. They should not be removed.”

Another person wrote, “I SUPPORT KATHPUTLICOLONY. I learn puppet with master Puran Bhat and I know so much Kathputli colony, it is like my second house. I am so indignant. Destroy the Kathputli colony without consulting the first people concerned: the residents. It is not respectful of us and their identity. They represent Indian culture all over the world. India will be proud of them. They are the heritage of the Indian culture. All these artists and this place must be protect. Kathputli Colony should be inscribe in UNESCO organisation as international cultural heritage. Martine in Paris.”

Messages such as these indicate that the place is more than just a colony; culture and emotions are deeply involved here.

Nithil Dennis, a photographer who covered the protest,  says, “The simple lot do not talk much about politics, they just want a place to perform, food to eat and a place to peacefully sleep. They are protesting because they are sceptical whether these simple wants will be satisfied at the transit camp.”

Dennis says the residents are mostly being supported in their cause by NGOs (Non-Governmental Organisations); politicians are still not a large part of the struggle. “Till now they have not been benefited in a major way by anyone from the political class,” says Dennis. “Maybe their vote might help make a difference, I do not know. But the question here is not about vote, it is about who can do something for them. Anyone who does that will earn their loyalty.”

The main candidates in fray in the West Delhi parliamentary constituency, of which Shadipur is a part, are Meenakshi Lekhi (Bharatiya Janata Party), Ajay Maken (Indian National Congress) and Ashish Khetan (Aam Aadmi Party). They have all promised to attend to the issue in the best way possible, but a distinct leaning  towards the AAP candidate can be seen on the part of many residents.

Meanwhile, the ‘kalakars’ (performers) are in a limbo. They are torn between walking into ‘good’ transit homes and staying put in their hovels. Some express their disbelief by asking loudly, “Kya hume sacchi jaana hai?  (Should we really move out?).” Some others are moving out, leaving behind more than just a house, hoping they can return in a few years.

The remaining residents recently staged a peaceful, intelligent protest in the colony against their ‘rehabilitation’. The performers first mesmerised spectators with their art, then slowly brought them to the heart of the problem using skits. The dwellers then read out a list of their ‘legitimate wants’ at the transit camp, including pucca houses with waterproof roofs and adequate space to practise their art forms and earn their living.

To be fair, the developer has promised to deliver ‘a good and safe camp’ for the residents with all basic facilities. The DDA has promised not to evacuate the residents by force, leaving the choice of registering for transit accommodation to them.

But the question remains: will their vote make a difference? The answer hangs by a string, just like a kathputli. As Rohit Bhat says on second thought, “They [the politicians] may yet do something for us. Who knows?”

Photo: Nithil Dennis

This story was also published on WoNoBo.com, our media partner.

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